I urge the importance for all of us in this debate to keep in mind its wider context, and nowhere is this more vital than in relation to Northern Ireland. It would indeed be unfortunate if anything said in the heat of this debate sent mistaken signals or gave rise to misunderstandings elsewhere about our underlying positions on a problem which is so grave for all of us. For my part I acknowledge very readily that concern at the appalling suffering and loss caused by the conflict is not the monopoly of any one side in his House. I recognise freely that we all share the urgent desire to see progress towards a solution and this reflects the wishes of the great mass of our people.
The Government for their part have faced the manifold aspects of the problem with one simple and consistent policy - that is to take advantage of each and every opportunity to secure progress, wherever such opportunity can be found and to the fullest extent that can be realised. We overlooked no existing instrument that might serve this consistent objective. We showed ourselves open and flexible on new approaches wherever they promised to be of help. One major strand in our policy has been to ensure that as far as is in our power the practical operation of the Anglo-Irish Agreement fulfils its stated aims, particularly with regard to the plight of the [975] Nationalist community in Northern Ireland.
We have maintained a very intensive pattern of meetings. Yesterday's conference was I believe the 33rd I have taken part in - leaving aside the numerous ministerial meetings between conferences. We have persevered, sometimes in tense and difficult circumstances, in our efforts to advance all aspects of the conference aganda. There are many areas where I am satisfied that our endeavours were rewarded with significant results. I would instance new legislation on fair employment, which at least provides the means, if properly availed of, to eradicate a very notorious form of discrimination. We have ensured a new and much needed emphasis on deprived areas in Northern Ireland, both on the part of the British Government and through the work of the International Fund for Ireland. We have widened the remit and the scope of the conference to achieve a more coherent and structured approach to cross-Border economic co-operation, which will I believe prove of great benefit to both parts of Ireland. These and other areas have shown encouraging progress.
Equally, however, I must acknowledge there are some areas where in spite of our most determined efforts, and notwithstanding some improvements, serious problems still persist. This is particularly true of issues relating to confidence in the security forces and relations between these forces and the community. I can assure Members that the Government will, as heretofore, spare no effort to secure the changes in this area we all recognise as necessary.
In the review of the working of the conference in 1989 both Governments reaffirmed their full commitment to all the provisions of the agreement and to its shared understandings and purposes. It is of course important for the process of co-operation between the two Governments that there should be no doubts or misunderstandings on this issue. It is important also that this joint commitment should be clearly seen to be to [976] the agreement as a whole, with full regard for its overall context.
It would not be a balanced treatment of the agreement, in my opinion, to confine Article 1 to the affirmation that any change in the status of Northern Ireland would come about only with the consent of a majority of the people there, and to neglect the joint commitment in the same Article, to give legislative effect to the alternative of a united Ireland, if a majority in Northern Ireland wish for and consent to it. In the agreement the two Governments recognise the need for continuing efforts to reconcile and to acknowledge the rights of the two major traditions that exist in Ireland. I would stress that relates to these two traditions in their integrity and as they define themselves, with the presumption that there are deep convictions involved on both sides.
That is I believe the only realistic basis on which to address the problem, however much it is tempting to simplify it by wishing away one factor or another. The Government have also consistently stressed the need to ensure a balance in the operation of the agreement between its theoretical and practical aspects.
Nationalists in Northern Ireland will not accept an application of the agreement where the acknowledgment of their rights exists only on the level of abstraction. They see the need, as we do, for a process which gives real and effective expression to the aspirations of both traditions.
I think it worth spelling out these points, because the process of co-operation between the two Governments is an asset which it is vital to sustain and develop, and is best served by a clear understanding of the basis on which it rests.
I am very conscious of recent concern that changes might have occurred in this regard, and considered it right for me to seek clarification at yesterday's meeting of the Anglo-Irish Conference. I am glad to report to the Dil that I received the most explicit assurances that speculation about policy changes by the British Government in this area was entirely [977] without foundation, and that the basis of our co-operation remains that of the fullest commitment to the agreement in all its aspects.
Faced with the appalling record of tragedy and destruction in Northern Ireland it is important for all of us to focus on one overriding objective: we must spare no effort to find a solution. We must never become resigned to a view that this terrible situation is in some way inevitable, or that nothing can be done about it. We believe the key to progress lies through political dialogue. We believe both Governments have particular obligations of leadership and initiative in this regard. For our part we have done everything in our power to ensure that this dialogue can take place and come to fruition.
We have said that it should cover the totality of relations involved, that it should be a genuine and open attempt to address the core of the problem, and that it should be on a basis which does not prejudge or pre-empt the position of either tradition, or destroy assets that are there unless something better has been created to put in their place. We put forward these criteria not because of any selfish concerns of our own, but because we believe that to ignore them would make success more difficult, and failure can only add to a sense of despair, and give encouragement to the evil forces which seek to exploit it.
I believe dialogue on the basis I have outlined, carried out with determination, imagination and goodwill, could transform relationships on this island. This Government for their part will spare no effort to launch and sustain this overdue and necessary process.
The past years have been years of great activity and enormous challenge in international life. On every continent and on every issue we are witnessing profound and dramatic changes which test the capacity of the international community and individual states. I believe this Government's response to these events has been credible and coherent, advancing Ireland's interests, contributing to the [978] development of the European Community and promoting a more stable and just international order.
We have acquitted ourselves well. We have shown ourselves to be a deeply committed and loyal member of the European Community, prepared to work for its future. We have contributed in a very direct way to the Community through our successful Presidency and active membership of the Troika of Ministers. We have engaged intensively with the British Government in an effort to achieve progress in relationships on and between these islands. We have worked constructively and effectively in promoting the United Nations and in upholding its Charter. We have been active in other bodies which make an important contribution to European stability, such as the CSCE.
We have continued to work for international peace and security, particularly through the involvement of Irish military personnel on UN peacekeeping missions and, more recently through our contribution to the Monitor Mission in Yugoslavia. We have been very active in the conduct of our bilateral relations with a large number of countries on a broad range of issues. We have been steadfast and determined in the protection of the interests of Irish citizens abroad, in the Gulf War for example. And securing the freedom of Brian Keenan was a considerable achievement.
We have been deeply mindful of the plight of our emigrants and achieved good results on their behalf in Britain, the US and elsewhere. We have steadily promoted our economic interests, helped stimulate trade and promoted investment and tourism in Ireland.
Within the limits of our resources, we have shown commitment to and solidarity with the developing countries. In these and in other areas we have addressed the many challenges that have arisen. And we are well positioned to continue our efforts in promoting Ireland's interests in the period ahead.
The process of European integration has been a major preoccupation of the [979] Government over the past years. Membership is of central importance for our political and economic wellbeing and in our approach to international affairs. The success of the single market programme has encouraged the movement towards closer unity. And the events in Eastern Europe have emphasised the need to reinforce the Community's structures and to widen its scope for action. These questions have been taken up in the two Intergovernmental Conferences on Political Union and on Economic and Monetary Union which are scheduled to conclude at the Maastricht Summit in December.
The Government have been actively and wholeheartedly involved in the negotiations. We took the initiative in four areas of particular interest to us - economic and social cohesion, health, education and culture. We were the first delegation to table proposals in the area of cohesion, and the text under negotiation in the Conference, which was agreed in Luxembourg in June as the basis for our work, reflects very considerably the ideas which we put forward. Incidentally, I might point out that copies of our proposals were placed in the Dil Library and after the June European Council copies of the negotiating texts were also made available to Members of this House.
In coming weeks our particular concerns will centre on the following main issues: First, we are concerned to ensure that the Conferences are a success. A failure at Maastricht is something we would not contemplate. Second, we feel that the results will have to be substantial and represent real progress on the road to European unity. This will involve both new competences and the reinforcement of existing competences in areas such as the environment and research. Third, the new treaty must ensure that the process of the development of regions such as Ireland, to which the Community has already contributed substantially, will continue. In this context we are emphasising the particular importance of economic and social cohesion. Fourth, the Community's institutions must be [980] strengthened to ensure that they can respond effectively to the needs of the citizen. For example, we accept the need to reinforce the powers of the European Parliament.
Fifth, we want to see the capacity of the Community to reflect a coherent and effective common foreign and security policy strengthened. While some progress has been made on this, the Twelve are still far from agreement on such key questions as the eventual defence policy, and the new union's security role. Sixth, we cannot accept a two-speed or variable approach to the new Union. Recently we successfully opposed attempts to create a two-tier approach with regard to the move to the final stages of economic and monetary union.
Finally, the treaty which will result from the Conference will be of considerable significance to the future development of the Community. It will be important, therefore, that it be matched by substantive measures to ensure that the Community has the capacity to give effect to its provisions. We have now entered the final stage of the negotiations in the run-up to the European Council in Maastricht on 10 and 11 December. The Government are conscious of the need to reach agreement and will do all that we can to ensure success.
The Common Agricultural Policy has been a key Community policy for Ireland and will remain so. The Commission has responded to increasing pressures on the policy by putting forward proposals for reform. Ireland cannot ignore the problems for the Common Agricultural Policy and for the Community budget by the increasing problem of surplus production. In principle, we would not be opposed to the idea of moving to a limited extent from the present price system to greater direct income support. However, the basic Treaty principles of the Common Agricultural Policy must remain. And the compensation in direct income support must be adequate for all sections of the farming community.

I shall supply copies, with pleasure. They should be on their way.
We are playing an active part in the development of the Community's external relations. Particular attention focuses on the establishment of co-operative relations with our European neighbours. The euphoria of the first days of democracy in Central and Eastern Europe has given way to a realisation of the difficulty of the task of transforming their economies. Economic assistance from the Community will continue to be of vital importance, and I am glad that Irish expertise is being utilised under the Community's programmes.
Negotiations on association agreements with Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia are well advanced and similar arrangements are envisaged with Bulgaria, Romania and the Baltic States when conditions are right.
In the sensitive area of agricultural imports I argued in the Council for an approach which would take account of the depressed state of the market and the existing oversupply of product. This was accepted. New imports of beef and sheepmeat will not take place to the extent that exports from Poland, Hungary or Czechoslovakia can be sent to the Soviet Union with Community financial assistance.
The Community's negotiations with our closest neighbours, the EFTA group, to create a European Economic Area are close to a conclusion. On Monday next the Council of Ministers will meet the EFTA Ministers in Luxembourg to seek solutions to the outstanding issues in negotiation. We will continue to seek a balanced agreement, one which takes [982] account of the interests of disadvantaged regions.
Some of our negotiating partners have already decided to go further than the Economic Area Agreement and have applied for accession to the Community. The Commission opinion on the Austrian application has now been produced and we look forward to its early consideration by the Council. Sweden's application, made last July, has been referred in the normal way to the Commission. We can anticipate the question of enlargement and its implications coming to the fore once again when the Inter-Governmental Conferences have completed their work.
The Community is not neglecting its responsibilities and interests beyond the European continent. The strengthening of the international trading system is an important objective. In Community discussions we have emphasised the need for a global and balanced agreement to the Uruguay Round. We have resisted an undue focus on agriculture and have stressed that forced concessions should not be made in that sector. We will continue to stress the value of the offer already made by the EC in the area of agriculture. It is vital that the outcome of the Round be coherent and balanced and preserve the fundamental principles of the Common Agricultural Policy.
We have also been active in other issues of European and international concern. The European Community has been to the forefront of international efforts to end the fighting and to reach a peaceful solution acceptable to all in Yugoslavia. Ireland is participating in these efforts and has given, and will continue to give, full support to the Community.
In July the Community established a monitor mission at the invitation of the Yugoslav authorities and with the consent of the parties on the ground. Originally established primarily to oversee the cease-fire in Slovenia, the role of the mission has evolved to take account of developments. Its primary function continues to be to stabilise the various cease-fires and to investigate violations. Its activities also include the mediation of [983] local cease-fires, the monitoring of the relocation of the Yugoslav Army from Slovenia, the exchange of prisoners, and other activities designed to alleviate tension.
Seven members of the monitor mission are provided by Ireland. I salute their courage and dedication. Agreement has recently been reached with the parties in Yugoslavia that the monitors should continue their activities until the successful outcome of the Conference on Yugoslavia. Nevertheless, the issue of their personal safety continues to be a primary concern. Foreign Ministers have made clear that the monitors will continue to perform their duties only as long as their security can be assured.
Faced with the repeated failure of the Yugoslav parties to start negotiations, the Community convened a conference on Yugoslavia under the chairmanship of Lord Carrington which opened in The Hague on 7 September. The parties have agreed to formulate a political solution on the basis of the perspective of recognition of the independence of the those republics wishing it, at the end of a negotiating process conducted in good faith.
I will not pretend that these negotiations will be easy or that there is not a considerable way to go. However, I believe that the conference on Yugoslavia represents the best hope for a solution. I share the determination of the Community to bring it to a successful outcome.
Recent months have also seen major upheavals in the Soviet Union. In August, the world heard with shock that an attempt was being made to overthrow the constitutional order in the Soviet Union and to repudiate the political and economic reforms introduced under the leadership of President Gorbachev. Thankfully, the courage of the citizens of cities such as Moscow and St. Petersburg and the steadfastness of leaders like Boris Yeltsin and Anatoliy Sobchak ensured that democracy prevailed. I believe too that the strong support of the international community was an important factor in bringing the coup leaders to [984] the realisation that they were doomed to failure.
The failure of the attempted coup has brought with it a dramatic acceleration of the process of political and economic reform. At the same time, it has led to a fundamental transformation of the nature of the Soviet Union. The monolithic state where all power was wielded by the Communist Party and Moscow is no more.
There is, as a result, a considerable degree of uncertainty which will not be ended until the precise nature of the links between the republics and the new union is finally decided. At the same time, it is clear that the new union, whatever its final shape, will be committed to democracy and human rights which will be welcomed within the European family of nations.
The Community is already offering assistance to the reform process through its technical assistance programme and food aid. A decision in principle to supply a further 1.25 billion ECU worth of food aid was taken recently. The United States, Canada and Japan would also be expected to contribute on a similar scale.
In July, on my official visit to the Soviet Union, I was able to meet many of the leaders whose firm stand later ensured the survival of democracy there. These included Vice-President Rutskoi of the Russian Federation, Mayor Anatoliy Sobchak of St. Petersburg and Mr. Eduard Shevardnadze.
I signed a number of agreements dealing with political, economic and cultural relations between Ireland and the Soviet Union. I am confident that these will form the basis for even warmer and more profitable relations between our two countries in the future.
An important and welcome result of the failure of the August coup was the fact that, after more than 50 years, the Baltic States of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia recovered the full exercise of their sovereignty and independence. They now face the tremendous challenge of developing their economies.
Western and Community aid will be extended to them in this endeavour as [985] well as trade concessions already made available to other Eastern European States under the generalised scheme of preferences. Ireland announced that it recognised the three states on 27 August last.

I have recently returned from a visit there, the purpose of which was to convey the support of Ireland for the restoration of their independence, to establish a basis for the development of future bilateral relations and to identify areas in which there was a common interest in promoting co-operation. The delegation was accompaned by a business group to explore the potential for co-operation in specific areas.
I believe that the visits establish a sound foundation on which new and fruitful relationships can be built.
In Africa the end of the Cold War has altered old equations and opened up the way to the resolution of long-enduring conflicts. In March last year we saw the successful advent of Namibia to independence. The civil war in Angola has ended and the process of national reconciliation is firmly launched. On the other hand, progress towards the peaceful resolution of the conflict in Mozambique is proving much more difficult.
In South Africa we have witnessed dramatic changes over the past two years, from a society closed in on itself, relying on intimidation and persecution to govern, to a country open to dialogue with the majority with a view to the establishment of a society in which all South Africans, in freedom and equality, can play a role in their own development. During my visit to South Africa last year, as leader of the ministerial troika delegation, I had the opportunity to see the situation at first hand and talk, openly and frankly, with all the major players involved. Since then two key individuals, Nelson Mandela and President de Klerk, [986] have been welcome visitors to Ireland. The Government remain fully supportive of the process under way and will continue to play a constructive role in promoting it.
I have been active since coming to office in deepening our relations with the countries of Asia and the Pacific. At Community level, the signing of the EC-Japan Declaration in July this year was a significant development resulting from a process which I took forward during the Irish Presidency last year. Bilateral relations with Japan have been strengthened by recent reciprocal visits which have done much to enhance our economic relations, notably in the tourism field. We have also been building our relations with India, South Korea and the ASEAN countries. The admission of South Korea to UN membership last month is something to which I gave my active support.
The simultaneous admission to United Nations membership of North Korea is a very significant development, made possible by the end of the Cold War and brings the UN closer to its goal of universality.
I have taken a particular interest in the tragic plight of the Cambodian people and have lent my active support to international efforts to bring peace to that country. I look forward to the resumption later this month of the Paris Conference on Cambodia and the signature there of the necessary agreements giving effect to a comprehensive political settlement to be implemented under United Nations supervision. The goal must be to ensure for the Cambodian people a future in which they enjoy true peace and security, free from any threat of a return to past policies and practices.
Ireland has important relations with the countries of the Middle East. During our Presidency of the European Community the Twelve reiterated their commitment to a comprehensive settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict in the framework of an international peace conference.
[987] All progress in the Middle East was brought to a halt abruptly and dangerously in August last year when Iraq invaded and attempted, unsuccessfully, to annex Kuwait. Ireland played its full part in applying the sanctions against Iraq introduced by the Security Council and supported the efforts of the international community to bring an end to the most flagrant violation of international law since the end of the Second World War.
I made clear to this House on 18 January last that it was necessary to keep in mind what we wanted to see happen in the Middle East once the Gulf crisis was eventually brought to an end. For these reasons we and our partners in the European Community particularly welcomed the initiative taken by the United States and the series of tours embarked on by Secretary of State, Mr. James Baker, in order to get the Middle East peace process under way.
I expect the date of the opening conference to be announced shortly. It is expected that it will take place before the end of this month. The Twelve, including Ireland, are strongly supportive of this initiative and are committed to playing an active role in the peace process to help ensure its success. It offers an unprecedented opportunity to bring the parties to the Arab-Israeli conflict to the negotiating table. It is an opportunity that must not be lost.
The problem of hostages in Lebanon is prominent once again in the news. Brian Keenan was held hostage for over four years and it was necessary to make intensive and protracted efforts to secure his realease. I appreciate the assistance given to us by the Government of Iran and the Government of Syria in bringing this about. I am very glad that Brian Keenan's fellow prisoners, John McCarthy and Jack Mann have since been released and I am hopeful that the current round of international negotiations will succeed in bringing to an end this dreadful episode in Lebanon's tragic history.
I believe I have given a very positive and satisfactory report on the work of the [988] Department of Foreign Affairs and my involvement in same. It has been quite successful, as has the work of the Government in all other areas. I have the greatest pleasure in recommending the motion of confidence in this Government.


