A Cheann Comhairle, I am glad to have this opportunity to speak on this motion of confidence in the Government.
We must send a clear message to the people of Ireland. The business of government is not about promoting the interests of one section of society at the expense of another. It is about implementing the kind of policies that tap entrepreneurial spirit to create jobs and give the less well-off in our society their share in the rewards of economic and social progress. Any other view of government is narrow and divisive and does not serve the interests of the people.
Yet, this is precisely what Fine Gael, Labour and The Workers' Party are doing. The people are entitled to know the reasons for the Government-bashing that has been going on since last May. For the past five months in particular, the Opposition parties have engaged in a deliberate campaign designed to smear the Government, discredit their achievements and policies and undermine confidence in the way in which the nation's business is managed.
The Opposition are clutching at straws. Mischievously, they are determined to link the Government with questionable practices and alleged wrongdoing in the semi-State and private sectors. The Government in all of this have acted decisively.
The Minister for Agriculture and Food established the tribunal of inquiry into the beef industry only days after an ITV documentary alleged abuses in a major meat processing group. These allegations have major implications for our home and export beef markets. There are 10,000 jobs involved in this industry. I [952] refer Deputy O'Shea to that reality and I ask him to stop pulling down the beef industry for his political purposes. He should not come here whingeing about jobs and go outside and destroy the Irish beef industry in every supermarket throughout England. He should not be such a hypocrite.

The value of total output was 1.2 billion and exports amounted to 686 million last year. The Minister for Industry and Commerce has appointed High Court inspectors on foot of investigations initiated by the Minister for Tourism, Transport and Communications into the so-called Telecom affair.
Deputies and the public can rest assured that the Government will take whatever action is needed arising from the investigations into Greencore, the Telecom controversy and the beef industry.
Given the prompt action of the Government when these matters arose, it is somewhat surprising that the Opposition are engaged in a political witch-hunt.
For the second time in less than a year, Fine Gael have revived their vendetta against the Taoiseach. Ever since the debate in 1979 on the installation of Deputy Charles Haughey as Taoiseach, in what is generally accepted as one of the most scandalous speeches ever delivered by an Opposition leader in Dil ireann, Fine Gael have sought to smear the Taoiseach at every opportunity.
Fine Gael do not have either the ideas or the policies to deal with the issues facing the country today. The evidence from 1983 to 1987 proves this beyond any doubt. The party are drifting helplessly in Opposition and even two changes of [953] leader have done nothing to improve Fine Gael's standing among the voters. They are wasting their time and that of the country in purely destructive and still highly personalised attacks. The right wing Fine Gael Party are even prepared to join with the Marxist-Leninist hardline Communists of The Workers' Party, just to smear Fianna Fil.
Deputy Spring can take credit for the way in which he continues to exploit Fine Gael's ineptitude. Yet it is he and his party who were Fine Gael's partners in Government in the four years to 1987.
That Government doubled the national debt, increased taxation to crippling levels and did nothing for the least well off in our society. They left in despair when unable to even produce a budget for 1987.
In Government, the Labour Party did not restrain Fine Gael. Together they presided over debacles in Irish Shipping, ICI, PMPA, the failed Canadian export credit insurance guarantees, Dublin Gas and B & I where taxpayers lost countless millions.
In his fervour to create an environment of suspicion through unsubstantiated allegation, Deputy Spring has already suffered the embarrassment of having to publicly withdraw some of his allegations. Sadly, this indicates that his only real interest was to keep up the momentum of alleged new scandals in his efforts to destabilise the Government. Thankfully in this he has failed. I refer, of course, to the famous Temple Bar slur. In an article in The Dublin Tribune of 26 September 1991 it was stated that the Labour Party had withdrawn allegations in relation to Temple Bar made by party leader, Deputy Spring. Before long they will withdraw a few others. Deputy leader, Deputy Quinn, told The Dublin Tribune there was no truth in allegations made by Deputy Spring that shelf companies had been set up to take advantage of tax incentives in the Temple Bar area, even before redevelopment plans had been publicly announced. Of course, the local people were hurt and offended by these allegations. For two days Deputy Spring had difficulty in putting forward [954] any evidence. There are no secret owners. The companies named by the Labour Party are owned by local business people.
The Workers' Party are now more confused than at any time in their chequered history.

The old totalitarian regimes in Central and Eastern Europe with whom they had such close contact have been swept away. New democracies have emerged. The new Governments are embracing freedom and democracy and are enjoying the opportunity to create a better life for their citizens. They are looking to Europe and greater participation in the European Community. Instead of moving with the times, The Workers' Party continue to promote an economic and social model for Ireland that has been discredited. What vision are they offering the people of Ireland at this stage? All they are doing is trying to damage and discredit their political opponents true to the style of Lenin. That particular leopard has not changed its spots.
I might mention I am reasonably familiar with the printing machines on the north side of Dublin which were used for printing both counterfeit money and The Workers' Party literature and The Workers' Party activist who has gone missing who allegedly operated them - I say allegedly. This was a classical upstairs downstairs operation: upstairs The Workers' Party said they did not know what was going on downstairs. We all accepted that these were nasty allegations against the nice Workers' Party people. They claimed they did not know, they only leased out the premises downstairs and that these allegations should not be given the credibility people give to such allegations. If that is true for The Workers' Party then they should allow the investigations look into all the nasty allegations they are throwing up day after [955] day against other citizens in this State and Members of this House.

The reality is that each of the Opposition parties have used every opportunity to spread innuendo, half-truths and downright lies. I was told last August that this orchestrated campaign was planned - I did not know what exactly was coming - and was runinng up to a vote of no confidence in the Taoiseach at that time. This orchestrated campaign resulted in the public being purposely misled about what are, at this point, allegations of impropriety and wrongdoing in the business sector.
This has now reached the point where Mr. Justice Hamilton, the chairman of the tribunal of inquiry into the beef industry, has spoken out and described the headline reports on the first day of the tribunal's deliberations as an "absolute and positive disgrace". The Opposition should take note of this reprimand instead of trying to undermine confidence in our institutions of Government.
The tribunal and the inspectors must now be allowed to get on with their work. The inquiries must be carried out in a careful, painstaking and fair manner to ensure that the truth is established. To ensure their success they must be allowed sufficient time to complete their work in a calm environment, without pressure. A rush to judgment will serve no one's interest.
In the heated atmosphere of allegation and innuendo, we must not overlook the fact that the semi-State companies, including those involved in the recent events, have played a crucial part in the development of the Irish economy and their role remains crucial.
It behoves Members of this House to remember that in bringing to light unacceptable business practices, care should be taken so that allegations made do not inflict heedless damage on the wellbeing of these commercial companies.
[956] Regrettably much of what has been said in recent weeks both in the media and by some Members of this House, could not be said to observe the degree of care to be expected from responsible Members of the Oireachtas. In the headlong rush to smear Fianna Fil, some are willing to say anything if the desired damge to Fianna Fil is achieved, regardless of the harm done to the semi-State sector.

In their verbal outbursts they are like vandals smashing up the national furniture. The suspicion and innuendo has inevitably done damage to the semi-State sector and has damaged public confidence in it. This should not have happened.
The public interest has to that extent been damaged. The proper expression of concern for what may or may not have happened in these companies, together with the investigation of the events themselves did not require the orgy of innuendo to which we have been treated. Those responsible for this excess have done a grave disservice to the semi-State companies and in turn to the Irish people. They have also, through the blind pursuit of their shallow political objectives, damaged business confidence at a time when a fragile recovery is under way.
When the facts and findings are to hand the Government will act resolutely. A responsible opposition would support the Government in whatever measures are needed in the national interest.
We need entrepreneurs. Enterprising initiative in the semi-State and private sectors is vital to our success in the Single European Market and to our sharing in the opportunities for growth presented by the emergence of the new European democracies. Instead of fighting and arguing we should leave these matters to those investigations and get on with supporting entrepreneurs who go out and win the jobs Deputy O'Shea says we need so much instead of further denigrating the people in the House in relation to [957] matters which can be investigated in a proper way.
We must accommodate risk-taking and business acumen while ensuring that procedures, controls and regulations curtail opportunities for fraud, abuse and sharp practice. That will be done. There is no conflict between vigorous and highly competitive national and international dealings and a high standard of business ethics.
The business sector must also be aware of the need to re-invest its profits in creating the greatest number of new jobs for our citizens. Its contribution is vital to the nation's well-being. Businessmen will serve their country by investing, creating employment and returning their profits to re-investment in productive activities.
The underlying strategy of the Programme for Economic and Social Progress and the continuation of the national partnership, is the best means for achieving growth, job creation, increased prosperity and social equity.
Confidence in our economy has been the most significant feature of the Irish economic performance since 1987. The Programme for National Recovery set out the economic strategy which laid the groundwork for that exceptional performance. Look at what has been achieved in those four short years: four years of solid economic growth, exceeding the EC average at 4 per cent per annum. There was no growth between 1983 and 1986; lower rates of interest and inflation maintained at 3 per cent; the debt/GNP Ratio has been reduced from 131 per cent in 1987 to 111 per cent at the end of 1990; Exchequer/borrowing has fallen from 13 per cent of GNP to 2 per cent last year - the lowest for 40 years; our balance of payments deficit of 500 million in 1986 was transformed into a surplus of 700 million in 1990 - that is all about jobs; recognition of Ireland as an attractive investment location; improved real living standards for our workers, and the ending of the spiral of rising prices which made managing a family budget so difficult.
The Programme for Economic and Social Progress will further consolidate [958] and build on the advances made since 1987. It was through consensus with the social partners that the programme was born. It was through consensus again with the social partners that the common and conflicting aspirations of all the divergent groups involved were married together in the new programme.
Let there be no mistake about it, it will be through consensus yet again that the present difficulties facing the programme will be overcome. The Taoiseach made that position quite clear at last week's meeting with the social partners.
The Programme for Economic and Social Progress is the strategy for national progress. Look at what has been achieved for people depending on social welfare and for families at work on low pay. Against a background of difficult financial decisions the consensus approach has succeeded in protecting the living standards of those dependent on social welfare and those at work on low pay, in introducing new schemes to meet emerging needs in society, in expending the social insurance base to spread the cost more equitably, and in improving the delivery of services to our customers. The Government are determined that the least well off in our society will not be left behind. They will be protected and will share in our economic progress.
All long term payments, for pensioners, lone parents, widows and people who have been unemployed for 15 months or more now reach or exceed the priority rates of payment recommended by the Commission on Social Welfare, which is 54.60 per week in 1991 terms. This Government are committed to the achievement of the priority rate for all recipients by 1993. After that, social welfare rates will continue to be increased as the resources of the economy grow.
The practical application of the improvements introduced by this Government since 1987 mean that the long term unemployment assistance personal rate has been increased since 1986 by 18.30 or just under 50 per cent. A family with four children on unemployment assistance has received an increase of 38.85 or 40 per cent in the [959] same period. An old age pensioner couple have received an increase of 18.50 or just over 20 per cent since 1986. The position of families has been improved. Basic rates of payment and child dependant increases have been increased. Child dependant allowances for people on long term payments now continue up to age 21 for school going children. Nobody can dispute the fact that we have raised the standard of living in real terms for everyone who depends on social welfare.
Those at work on low pay have also benefited. Through a combination of the radically improved family income supplement and new family tax exemptions for lower paid workers - measures which cost 16.5 million this year - we have ensured that people are better off at work than on the dole - as much as one third better off. A family at work with four children earning 160 a week now take home 175.20 a week cash - 44.20 a week more than if they were receiving unemployment benefit. The same family were only 22 a week better off in 1987. We have doubled the incentive to work. A family with four children earning 180 a week are 38.05 a week better off than if they were receiving unemployment benefit with pay-related benefit. A young person starting with a job paying 115 a week is still some 36 a week better off than if he or she were on the dole.
This Government's record in caring for the most vulnerable members of our society is one of unprecedented achievement. We have brought in a new carers allowance which for the first time recognises the essential support for elderly people provided by carers in our society. The new allowance provides carers on low incomes with a secure income support allowance of their own. Since I introduced this scheme it has been extended to carers of people receiving disabled persons maintenance allowance. We intend to go further. I am reviewing the means test which applies to the allowance to see what further improvements can be made.
[960] The lone parents allowance introduced last year brings together all payments for lone parents bringing up children on their own - and provides for the first time a payment for separated spouses bringing up children. Labels such as "deserted", "unmarried mother", no longer apply - all lone parent families are now treated on the same basis - that of need. The back-to-school clothing and footwear allowance this year benefited some 200,000 children. For the third year in a row a Christmas bonus amounting to 70 per cent of normal weekly payments will be paid to 620,000 pensioners, and other people depending on long term social welfare payments and their 360,000 dependants. The bonus under Fine Gael and Labour in 1986 was 65 per cent.
This Government are proud of their record on pensions. We have introduced the most comprehensive and up-to-date legislation on occupational pension schemes since the foundation of the State. The new Pensions Act which I introduced last year is recognised as one of the most progressive pieces of legislation in Europe.
The new Act provides for protection of pension rights for employees who change or lose jobs; full disclosure of information to members of pension schemes; equal treatment for men and women; and minimum funding standards for schemes. The Pensions Board which I set up earlier this year will oversee the new legislation and ensure full compliance by employers, trustees and pension fund managers. We have provided security and protection for over a half a million workers and their dependants.
This Government have brought about a major improvement in the way social welfare services are provided throughout the country. The new regional structure which I announced in August will transform our local offices into full service centres for all social welfare services. In these new style centres, pensioners, lone parents, unemployed people and families who are out of work through illness will get all the social welfare services, advice and information they need.
[961] The new local customer oriented service will mean: less frequent "signing-on", for people who are unemployed and more flexible methods of payment including payment by post drafts and by books of payable orders which can be cashed at post offices; better services for employers and better management of PRSI to ensure that employers meet their PRSI obligations for their employees and that the taxpayers' money goes only to those for whom it is intended; new supportive relationships with voluntary organisations working in the social services area.
The eight new regional centres at Dublin, Cork, Limerick, Galway, Sligo, Longford, Dundalk and Waterford are being given regional managers who will be charged with the responsibility of delivering this new service. This is an historic development for my Department and it is an indication that the Government care for those who depend on them.
The new structure is essentially about bringing services to people in their locality. This is what they want and we are responding to that need. More and more, local people are tackling the problems in their own communities in an effective way. The community development programme which was introduced last year is proving to be the catalyst for major developments in local communities. There are now 21 projects throughout the country participating in the programme. Each one has a special role in providing social services and tackling unemployment and disadvantage. Ten of these projects have acted as focal points for tackling long term unemployment in the new pilot projects set up under the Programme for Economic and Social Progress. These highlight the practical value of the programme.
This year the Government boosted the budget for the programme from 525,000 to 750,000. This has enabled me to expand the programme to another six areas. Soundly based local initiative is the way forward for communities around the country. The community development programme harnesses the enthusiasm, enterprise and innovation of local [962] people in dealing with the problems which affect their lives. It gives much needed confidence to communities and gives them the responsibility for shaping their own future. The Government's support for this activity is warmly welcomed at local level.
This Government's record in the social welfare area is one of unparalleled progress since 1987. Expenditure on our social welfare services is 3 billion a year - a record in the history of the State. New control measures will ensure that the taxpayer's money goes only to those for whom it is intended. Savings from anti-fraud and abuse measures will amount to some 38 million this year. The Programme for Economic and Social Progress will continue that progress by setting the agenda through the nineties. We must not be deflected by recent events, and the hype surrounding them, from our real task of keeping the economy on a sound footing so that investment and job creation are encouraged and fostered.
The Government have a first-class record in managing our national affairs. It is vital that we continue this work. We will support and encourage business and enterprise, but we will also provide new procedures and controls so that the recent disquieting events will not be repeated. The House can be assured that we will continue to tackle the issues facing the country in a mature and responsible way. I urge the House to support this motion of confidence.

