Cuidm leis an tairiscint seo at romhainn: "Go n-athdhearbhaonn Dil ireann a muinn sa Rialtas". De rir mo thuairimse t an mhuinn sin tuillte ag an Rialtas.
I have no doubt the vast majority of people in this country feel totally nauseated by the hypocritical stance of the Opposition in putting down a motion of no confidence in the Government. It appears to me that the combined Opposition parties are motivated by one issue and one issue only - to undermine, by whatever means, fair or foul, mostly foul, the credibility of this Government. They are not concerned with the national interest. They are not concerned in any way with the adverse effects of their actions and statements on the required confidence in our economy - confidence which was restored by this Government after the disastrous period of office of the Fine Gael-Labour Government. They deliberately ignore, for the basest of political reasons, the widely accepted view that this Government have, since coming into office, injected a new spirit of confidence and enthusiasm for the future, resulting in new investments, 40,000 net new jobs and new hope for further development. While this may not be enough jobs, we are en route.
The simple answer to the plethora of allegations now being levelled at the Government, and at individual members in particular, is that no Government can legislate for human behaviour. The Opposition parties know this full well - indeed my colleague the Minister for [546] Tourism, Transport and Communications indicated how well they should know - but in their rush to burnish their tarnished image they follow every rumour, piece of gossip and tittle tattle for the sake of even a single mention in the media, and all the better if they can be portrayed as taking a high moral stance on these issues. I reject their pinchbeck moralism.

I want to repeat that I reject these pinchbeck moralists.
Much of what the Opposition spokes-people have been doing over the past number of weeks has been blatant band wagoning, in itself an indication of the paucity of ideas which is now evident on the opposite side of this House. They have taken all their cues from media reports - despite their often privately expressed contempt for the media and its activities. In essence their performance has been nothing short of a complete sham and underscores yet again the absence of concrete policy proposals for the overall good of the country.
Deputy John Bruton and his colleagues have great reliance on a recent opinion poll. What are the facts? In 1989, 43 per cent of the opinion polls supported Fianna Fil while 41 per cent supported them in the most recent poll. What support have Fine Gael? They had 31 per cent support in 1989 and 26 per cent in 1991. The Deputy is a very good computer and he does not think that a drop from 31 to 26 per cent is a rise.

I want to make another [547] point for Deputy Bruton who, like a blind Samson when he cannot see where he is going, is anxious to pull down the whole edifice. In 1989 his predecessor, Deputy Alan Dukes, had 69 per cent support while he now has 39 per cent support. Deputy Alan Dukes supported this Government from 1987-89 and Deputy Bruton should remember that as a result of giving that support he gained four seats for the Fine Gael Party, which is more than his successor is headed for now.
As I said earlier it comes as no surprise that the response of the Opposition to the country's economic and social challenges is a motion of no confidence, negativism. It is both an ironic and an appropriately timely reminder to the people and the electorate of the legacy left by the Opposition, when last in Government, to Ireland and its people: confidence in its financial system at rock bottom; confidence in its currency at the lowest ebb possible; confidence by the business community non-existent; confidence in its economy lower than it has ever been; and the people's confidence simply a thing of the past.
As a brief reminder to those who may have managed to suppress the trauma in 1983-87, let us not forget some of the more pertinent aspects of their tenure in office; a reckless doubling of the national debt - this has been stated by several contributors from this side of the House; the complete failure to develop a cohesive and unified team approach to the management of the economy; and the collapse of investment reflecting despair at the impotence of Fine Gael and Labour. In the end Ministers allocated double jobs before the Government finally collapsed and came before the people who at the ballot box rejected them fully and comprehensively. It is against this bleak background that the achievements of the Government between 1987-89 and from 1989 to date can be contrasted.
Aegam memento rebus in arduis servare mentem - remember to keep a calm mind when times are troublesome. I would commend those wise words to those across the floor who, of late, have [548] been prone to exaggerated, even apocalyptic forecasts about the current and medium-term direction of our economy.
A calm and measured approach to the difficulties we are facing is not only advisable but essential if the challenges posed are to be met and overcome. Since coming into office this Government have provided a steady hand at the tiller and have already demonstrated their willingness and capability to take corrective action to keep the ship on course, despite the hollow criticisms of those opposite who lacked the courage to do what needed to be done, and had it been done Ireland would now be a better place to live in.
The benefit of the corrective measure taken last July to reduce the emerging budgetary over-run - I dispute the figures given by Deputy Yates - will not begin to have full impact until the final quarter of this year. However, it is perfectly clear from the end-September Exchequer returns that Exchequer borrowing can be expected to turn out close to 2 per cent of GNP even before taking account of the significant proceeds from the Irish Life flotation and that the debt-GNP ratio will again decline in 1991.
Notwithstanding our tough policy stance the harsh reality is that we continue to confront a problematic budgetary position next year. The wisdom of the consensus approach which we have initiated over the last few years, and reasserted earlier this year in the negotiations of the Programme for Economic and Social Progress, shows clearly that a unified approach to Government does work. I want to say here that that consensus approach was worked on very hard by the Taoiseach, Deputy Charles J. Haughey. This is a tribute to him, and when the economic history of this period is being written, that development of the consensus which he worked so hard at will mark this whole economic period as one of great success.
The year 1991 has been one of global turmoil. From the war in the Gulf through the dizzying pace of change in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe and the grim and troubling events in [549] Yugoslavia, these have all fed through into an uncertainty on the economic front and we have been confronted with an international downturn which has cast a dark shadow over the domestic economy. As a result, the pace of economic growth is lower than we would otherwise have expected.
These international events have provided us with a salutary reminder of the limits to which we can insulate the Irish economy from unfavourable external policies and trends. I have no intention of minimising the difficulties which we face, but neither will I minimise the achievements of this Government and the extent to which the economic fundamentals have been turned around to enable us to overcome our problems.
Look at some of the facts. We have one of the lowest inflation rates in the European Community; we have maintained currency value within the EMS; we have improved competitiveness; we have a healthy surplus in the balance of payments; there is a narrowing interest rate differential with Germany; we had an Exchequer borrowing requirement of 2 per cent of GNP last year and, as we now know, it will be close to that again this year.

This situation is a far cry - 40,000 net new jobs - from the days when Fine Gael and Labour were in office.

It is the direct result of the policies we have pursued as well as the support through consensus - and I would like to emphasise its importance - of the social partners over the past few years. Add to this the growth abroad up to mid-1990 which bolstered demand for Irish exports and it can be clearly seen how we came though the late eighties to a situation where we are basically better [550] equipped than before to tackle the difficulties of the present international economic environment.
Of course the factor of external growth was not within our control; this began to weaken from around the middle of last year. The slowdown was particularly marked in the United Kingdom and in the United States - two of our most vital export destinations; Germany comes next, France and then the Netherlands. But even in this area, improvements in competitiveness and investment have ensured that Irish exports have held up well in the circumstances. Not all of our trading partners have suffered recessionary problems; the experience internationally has been quite varied. Germany saw continued strong growth; the other EMS partners saw a slowdown but not a reverse. Our performance in 1991 is not aberrant: it is, as we might have expected, in line with the better performing EMS countries.
The fundamental improvements in economic performance also mean that we will be well positioned to seize the advantage of the world upswing in economic activity as it gets under way, and as envisaged by the key international agencies. It is predicted that growth will return to the UK and the US in the second half of this year and will further improve in 1992. We can, therefore, chart a steady course towards a more satisfactory domestic growth rate next year. Consumer spending should begin to pick up as the signs improve; we expect inflation to remain comfortably low and the balance of payments to continue to show a healthy surplus. And, again, as external growth resumes an upward track we can reasonably expect a recovery in investment and a continued very good export performance. Of course I do not need to tell the House that the Single Market will bring huge benefits in trade terms.
In the meantime, and before the opportunities of a recovery in international growth present themselves, we must confront the short term slowdown in growth and the level of unemployment while maintaining the gains we have made over the past four years. What we [551] need is less of the gloomy punditry which is commonplace to the Opposition parties and a more cautious and sober assessment of the problems as well as an agreed approach to tackling them where we have the scope to act. We must continue to take decisive action. As I mentioned earler, the Government did precisely this last July when we moved swiftly to contain the size of the emerging budgetary gap.
I must stress again, as I have been doing in speeches to other fora, and as I will continue to do, the imperative of holding firm on the present strategy, backed up by the support of the social partners. Nothing I have read or listened to in recent months convinces me that any of us can afford to deviate from that course even in the face of though and often unpalatable decisions which must be taken in the context of next year's budget. Let no one be under any illusions about this: we have to keep the public finances in shape to underpin our growth potential. We must also speed up the rate of employment growth - that is the purpose of the exercise - and we must maintain competitiveness, profitability and good industrial relations. In other words, preserve and conserve the gains we have made while implementing the strategies which will enable us to reap the benefits of international upturns.
Yes, we face tough budgetary decisions as the public expenditure estimates for next year are being finalised. No area of expenditure can or should be expected to avoid coming under the most detailed scrutiny. Let me sum up my view of the situation in which we find ourselves: the ship may have run into heavy weather but it is most definitely not adrift and has a good captain in charge.
I will now deal with my own area of responsibility in the Department of the Marine.
Lest it be forgotten, the policy decision to establish a new Government Department to co-ordinate and implement Government policy on the development of marine resources was a Fianna Fil initiative. In the past, major areas of [552] marine administration were fragmented with wasteful demarcation lines and overlaps between Departments. The past few years have witnessed a streamlining of the administration of all the major sectors of the marine industry with effective general control and guidance over the numerous agencies operating under the Department's aegis.
I want to put on the record of the House the achievements of this Government in the marine area. A number of major policy issues which will have very far-reaching implications for the development and economic well-being of the Irish sea fishing industry are now under active consideration by the European Commission. I would expect that within the near future and right up to the end of next year decisions of vital importance to our fishing industry will be made in Brussels. In these circumstances, I consider it to be an absolute priority that the interests of the Irish industry as a whole be taken fully into account before any policy proposals are tabled.
With this objective in mind, at Fisheries Councils and in bilateral contacts with Vice-President Marin and other Fisheries Ministers, I have underlined my grave concerns about possible policy adjustments which, if implemented, could create major problems for our fishing industry. In all such cases, I have made it absolutely clear that Ireland's development potential in the fisheries sector must be safeguarded and cannot be bartered away. In no circumstances am I prepared to contemplate any erosion or diminution of the advantages or opportunities deriving from European Community membership.
The current negotiations with EFTA countries on the creation of the European Economic Area (EEA) are undoubtedly our most immediate cause for concern, desirable and all as is the creation of the EEA. In these negotiations with the Community, the EFTA side has sought total liberalisation; in other words, removal of tariff barriers for all fishery products from EFTA countries. If acceded to, this would be disastrous for our industry as our main markets within [553] the Community would be threatened by imports from the fishing industries of that bloc. In particular, total liberalisation would seriously threaten the herring and mackerel processing and salmon farming sectors and undermine employment in those communities, particularly in the west and south of Ireland which are heavily dependent upon fishing.
I have made it clear to the Commission, and indeed in bilateral contacts with the Norwegians and some member states that liberalisation of these three sensitive products cannot be contemplated and in so far as Ireland is concerned is non-negotiable. I have in discussions with the Irish Fish Producers' and Exporters' Association given assurances that industry concerns on fishery issues could not be set aside in the context of the EEA negotiations. I would hope that these matters will be satisfactorily resolved from an Irish viewpoint in the current negotiations.
Another cause for real concern at present is the review of the Community's fishing fleet policy being undertaken in the context of the Multi-Annual Guidance Programme for the fleet for the period 1992 to 1996 and the impact that this could have on essential fleet development. The exercise is taking place against the background of declining fish stocks and overfishing within Community waters as a whole. In Ireland's case however, it has been clearly demonstrated in our Multi-Annual Guidance Programme submission that there is still scope for some expansion within our fleet to facilitate the take-up of under-utilised quota, mainly white fish species and non-quota species, mainly off our west coast. At present, we simply do not have the type of boat capable of exploiting these opportunities.
I have made it very clear that I will not accept an across-the-board capacity reduction in the Community fleet as a whole over the next five years without regard to special circumstances of the Irish fleet. An across-the-board major reduction, while justifiable in Community waters where stocks have declined in recent years and where quotas [554] have been fully exploited, makes no economic or biological sense in the context of the opportunities available in waters off our western and south western coasts. I am insisting that these factors must be taken fully into account by the Commission before programmes are finalised. I am pressing, and will continue to press, for a practical recognition by the Commission of the development needs of our fleet over the next five years. Any decision which fails to take these factors into account will simply not be acceptable.
Before turning from fisheries issues, I would like to say something about the mid-term review of the Common Fisheries Policy which is scheduled for next year. Decisions taken in the context of this review will have long term implications for our industry. The importance, therefore, of articulating Ireland's position prior to next year's negotiations cannot be overstated. In that regard I would again take this opportunity of congratulating the industry advisory group, under the chairmanship of Dr. T. K. Whitaker, whose recent report and advice have made a valuable contribution towards the policy position being developed by me in this context.
In preliminary discussions at Council and in contacts with Commissioner Marin, I have already outlined issues that will be of particular concern to Ireland in the review. It has been made abundantly clear that the Government are determined to secure the future of disadvantaged coastal regions and that they see the development of the fisheries sector, on the basis of the fish stocks contiguous to these regions, as playing a key role in promoting this economic development. In addition, the Government's concerns, to ensure that the Common Fisheries Policy, in accordance with the Hague principles and stated objectives of the Common Fisheries Policy itself, should continue to promote this development and not act as a constraint, have been forcibly put to the Commission.
I anticipate very difficult and lengthy negotiations as debate on the review [555] intensifies during the course of next year. My objective will be to secure the best possible deal for our fishermen with particular emphasis on the areas of priority that I have mentioned.
Irish aquaculture is currently worth 30 million. The annual output of 26,000 tonnes is making a major contribution to the Irish economy/balance of payments and to local economies in isolated coastal regions.
Government policy has been geared to encouraging production of the main commercial species - salmonids, mussels, oysters, and clams - while research and development is well advanced on the commercial potential for new species such as scallops, sea urchins and turbot.

Having expanded from negligible beginnings in the early eighties it is only in the past few years that this sector has been given the attention it deserves. Employment full time in the industry is almost 1,000 with a further 1,000 persons employed on a part-time basis.
With regard to inland fisheries our objective in the medium term is to increase the contribution of the inland fisheries resources to the national economy through increased tourism and development of the home angling base.
In 1991 we are investing 6.75 million in inland fisheries. As Deputies also know a Bill setting up a co-operative system to develop inland fisheries has gone through this House and the co-operatives would have been establised but for the gratuitous refusal of Members of the Opposition to take a brief amendment from Seanad ireann before the recess.
Harbours were mentioned by Deputy Yates. In order to maximise the fishery contribution to the economy the industry needs an adequate infrastructure. To this end the Government are committed to a programme of substantial investment to provide adequate infrastructure at strategically located fishery harbours. The [556] programme I announced last year provides for an investment of some 20 million over the period up to 1993.
With regard to commercial harbours the Government have sought to ensure that Ireland will have the necessary port infrastructure to compete on equal terms with other member states in the completed internal market. A committee are sitting on the legislation covering harbours. Projects approved under the operational programme on peripherality include the provision of new and improved handling equipment, extra berthage, docking facilities and port access routes, both road and rail. Total capital expenditure on commercial ports under the programme will reach almost 69 million. The bulk of that will be spent at Dublin, Cork, Waterford and Rosslare with aid also going to Drogheda, Dundalk, Foynes, Galway, Kinsale, Limerick and New Ross.
Capital expenditure on commercial harbours in 1991 will be in the region of 17 million. With regard to ship building we are glad that Damen Shipbuilders have taken over at Verolme and we expect them to be in business very shortly. I am glad also that in shipping our dead weight tonnage is now 190,000 tons, an increase of 34 per cent since 1986.
The "Bell Pioneer" must be viewed as a breakthrough in that it is the first hatchless container ship to operate anywhere in the world. It has improved turnaround times at harbours by 40 per cent. It is also a very good ship from the point of view of fuel consumption. With regard to transport costs, I agree with Deputy Yates that ours are double those on the mainland. We want to develop a sea bridge through that kind of shipping. A major study was commissioned by the Government and half paid for by the European Commission on the whole subject of transport. I do not have time to go into that matter now.
In the coming session I will introduce a Bill on the safety of passengers being carried for fares on small ferries and small boats. I established Sln during the year. A medium range helicopter is in place and is operating. In relation to [557] marine research an institute will be set up in a matter of weeks and I am proud to tell the House that under the STRIDE programme 10 million will be available from the European Community for research in my area.

Thank you. UCC, UCG and my Department's fisheries research centres will benefit from the STRIDE programme.
The motion of confidence in the Government before the House deserves the support of the House. I, and my colleagues in Government, will outline achievements and our future policy in such a way that every right-minded and right-thinking person in the House will support the motion on Friday.

